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In sociology, people who permanently resettle to a new country are considered immigrants, regardless of the legal status of their citizenship or residency. The United States Census Bureau (USCB) uses the term "generational status" to refer to the place of birth of an individual or an individual’s parents. First-generation immigrants are the first foreign-born family members to gain citizenship or permanent residency in the country.
It is important to note that people beyond the first generation are not "immigrants" in the strictest sense of the word and, depending on local laws, may have received citizenship from birth. The categorization of immigrants into generations helps sociologists and demographers track how the children and subsequent generations of immigrant forebears compare to sections of the population that do not have immigrant background.
According to USCB, the first generation of immigrants is composed of individuals who are foreign-born, which includes naturalized citizens, lawful permanent residents, protracted temporary residents (such as long-staying foreign students and migrant workers, but not tourists and family visitors), humanitarian migrants (such as refugees and asylees), and even unauthorized migrants. Those who only recently immigrated are often subjected to the derogatory expression of being "fresh off the boat".
In some definitions, however, those born to at least one immigrant parent are considered "first generation" — or rather, the first generation of an immigrant's descendants (i.e. second generation from the USCB definition).
The term 1.5 generation or 1.5G, although not widely used, refers to first-generation immigrant who immigrated to the new country before or during their early teens. They earn the label the "1.5 generation" because while they spend their formative years engaging in assimilation and socialization in the new country, they often still maintain native language, cultural traits and even national identities from their country of origin. Oftentimes, in the case of small children, a battle of linguistic comprehension occurs between their academic language and the language spoken at home. Their identity is, thus, a combination of new and old culture and tradition. Sociologist Rubén Rumbaut was among the first to use the term to examine outcomes among those arriving in the United States before adolescence, but since then the term has expanded to include foreign students, as well as other unique individuals.
Depending on the age of immigration, the community where they settle, extent of education in their native country, and other factors, 1.5 generation individuals identify with their countries of origin to varying degrees. However, their identification is affected by their experiences growing up in the new country. 1.5G individuals are often bilingual and find it easier to assimilate into local culture and society than people who immigrate as adults. Many 1.5 generation individuals also become bi-cultural, combining both cultures - culture from the country of origin with the culture of the new country.
Rubén G. Rumbaut has coined the terminology "1.75 generation" and "1.25 generation" immigrants, for children who are closer to birth or full adulthood when they immigrate. Children who arrive in their early childhood (ages 0 to 5) are referred to as 1.75 generation immigrants since their experiences are closer to a true 2nd-generation immigrant who was born in the country they live in: they retain virtually no memory of their country of birth, were too young to go to school to learn to read or write in the parental language or dialect in the home country, typically learn the language or dialect of the country they immigrate to without an accent and are almost entirely socialized there. Children who arrive in their adolescent years (ages 13–17) are referred to as 1.25 generation immigrants because their experiences are closer to the first generation of adult immigrants than to the native born second generation.
The term "second-generation" extends the concept of first-generation by one generation. As such, the term exhibits the same type of ambiguity as "first-generation," as well as additional ones. Like "first-generation immigrant", the term "second-generation" can refer to a member of either:
The term second-generation immigrant attracts criticism due to it being an oxymoron. Namely, critics say, a "second-generation immigrant" is not an immigrant, since being "second-generation" means that the person is born in the country and the person's parents are the immigrants in question. Generation labeling immigrants is further complicated by the fact that immigrant generations may not correspond to the genealogical generations of a family. For instance, if a family of two parents and their two adult children immigrate to a new country, members in both generations of this family may be considered "first generation" by the former definition, as both parents and children were foreign-born, adult, immigrants. Likewise, if the two parents had a third child later on, this child would be of a different immigrant generation from that of its siblings. For every generation, the factor of mixed-generation marriages further convolutes the issue, as a person may have immigrants at several different levels of his or her ancestry.
These ambiguities notwithstanding, generation labeling is frequently used in parlance, news articles , and reference articles without deliberate clarification of birthplace or naturalization. It may or may not be possible to determine, from context, which meaning is intended.
When demographers and other social scientists in the United States use the term "second generation", they usually refer to people with one foreign-born parent. Likewise, Statistics Canada defines second generation persons as those individuals who were born in Canada and had at least one parent born outside Canada. Some researchers have begun to question whether those with one native-born parent and those with no native-born parents should be lumped together, with evidence suggesting that there are significant differences in identities and various outcomes between the two groups. For instance, patterns of ethnic identification with the majority ethnic group and the heritage ethnic group differ between the 1.0, 2.0, and 2.5 generations, such that there is greater polarization between the two identities in the 1.0 generation (i.e., identifying as Canadian implies dis-identifying as a member of the heritage ethnic community and vice versa ), a lack of a relation between the two identities in the 2.0 generation, and a positive association between the two identities for the 2.5 generation (i.e., implying that the two identities are compatible and possibly hybridized) 
Most immigrant youth tend to have higher academic accomplishment at all levels, at times even having greater levels of post-secondary education than their parents and grandparents. In order to explain this phenomenon, there are several factors that are noticeable:
Many of these factors are reinforced and supported by the parents of immigrant youth who may have only immigrated in the first place in order to provide their children with a brighter future.